The Long March Through the Corporations

That all ethnic institutions in the united states have been taken over by the Left is past question. The press, the academy, Hollywood–are presently in its clutches. Critics still cling to talk radio, as closely as they perform to their guns and bibles, as President Obama so dismissively put itbut this is about the only redoubt of their”sense-making” associations they still have.
This was no collision. Those who have studied the genesis of this annexation understand that it was a deliberate”long march through the institutions.”
Now, this approach manifests from the need that associations be”woke.” The term, borrowed from African American slang to be alert, has really come to mean not just any type of liberalism, however, one succeeds by an obsequious obsession with societal issues, denunciations of”whiteness,” the insistence that the freest and most prosperous society today is racist and in need of deep change, and also the intolerant solve to censor any deviation from any of these notions through cancel civilization. Other American associations have been teetering on the verge of a woke takeover.
Social Justice abandons forgiveness and targets punishment–especially, but not only, through forced redistribution of resources according to membership in groups of the supposedly oppressed and marginalized. Forgetting past sins, and the Bible repeatedly tells us is that which God routinely does, is verboten.
Professional sports, too, have turned into pageants for ritualistic woke denunciations of the country and its history, the white race, etc..
However, these places –the press, the academy, the dinosaurs, sports–are all essentially volitional. You do not need to watch Monday Night Football; then you are able to cancel your newspaper subscription; if your rabbi is too much of a social justice warrior, you simply switch synagogues. The majority of us, however, have to do something each weekday: proceed to work. Ever since Adam bit the apple and God told him that henceforth”by the sweat of your brow you shall eat bread,” we’ve gotten up almost daily, put on overalls, a uniform, or even a tie,  and put forth to make a living.
Moreover, no American today is a self-contained individual who grows his own meals erects his own house, which makes his own clothes. We have to buy goods and services from businesses that produce them to fulfill our Maslowian primary needs. Thus, no area of American life could be more devastating when it had to be taken over by the awakened.
The bad news is that business is the new battlefield: the woke have set their sights on business America. The great thing is that the woke have so overplayed their hand that they have awakened”a nascent but nonetheless angry resistance”
Those are the words of Stephen R. Soukup, who has written a beautiful book with this battlefront, The Dictatorship of Woke Capital. Although it’s a joy to read, filled with facts and stimulating insights into the character of our society as well as its religious and philosophical underpinnings, the publication is also downright scary. The woke have indeed made good strides in their effort to take over American businesses as well as the capital markets that fund them. But, as is true when combating all ills, from disease to threats to our way of life, the very first thing is awareness of the problem and an comprehension of its character. This much Soukup’s compact publication will in spades.
The publication is divided into two segments: the first is a history of the development of the left, and the next documents the effects of this change on capital markets and businesses. Those who, like me, adore the history of ideas, will be interested in the very first part; people who like business and deconstructing how ideas impact actual human systems, will prefer the moment. Those who wish to avoid this from occurring will need to know both. Soukup explains near the middle of the book (and it’s so fundamental that he may have put it earlier) that awakened capital is not a left-right problem, but a struggle between those who’d politicize every area of life, and people who think that there must be a line between the public and private spheres.
The Path to Wokeness
Soukup begins his history of ideas with a crucial observation: that the left has struggled to manage the promise of earthly utopia made by its own intellectual godfather, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, at the mid-18th century. Soukup here blames the Enlightenment, which he predicts for a”three-century long attempt to build a reason-based moral system to substitute the wracking frame .” This project”was doomed from the beginning by its refusal to comprehend the premise upon which the Christian moral system was established: that guy is flawed and neither motive nor science might mend him.” The failure to deliver utopia led directly to nihilism and relativism. In response to socialism’s disappointments, the left abandoned reason, abandoned’reality’ and at the end refused the Enlightenment itself in favor of relativism,” writes Soukup.
These two contradictory tendencies –Enlightenment and nihilism–entirely transformed America. They”mixed with one another to make a new American weltanschauung.” It’s important to note that Soukup this makes a typical mistake, although one that does not endanger the book’s analysis, at tarring all of the Enlightenment for this control of secularism and belief in the perfectibility of man. Had he said”the Continental Enlightenment,” he would have been around entirely safe floor. The Anglo-Scottish Enlightenment, however, was not aimed at God, and actually known guy’s flaws–for example his penchant to care for his self-interests. It functioned with these defects, in fact, to create the greatest good for the greatest number.
These two colleges of this left–the Enlightenment and the nihilistic reaction to its failures–are the origin of today’s assault on business and capital markets. “Our narrative –the story of this politicization of business and its funding sources–includes two starting points,” writes Soukup. These two streams of modern liberalism”are diametrically opposite each other, just yet one positing the notion that the whole world and most of man’s social behaviours can be analyzed through the lens of objective science and the other denying this scientifically detected surface reality reflects the repression of man’s true character.”
The first results in the progressives of this late 19th and early 20th century, men such as Herbert Croly, Richard Ely, and Woodrow Wilson–and to their cherished principle that a appointed, professionally trained healer of public administrators are better at directing the affairs of men compared to men themselves. This turns on its head the principle on which the Anglo-Scottish enlightenment has been established –that those strategies that take account of man’s self-interest are more benign and democratic and produce a greater good for a greater amount than those based on coercion. Scientism, since Soukup explains, is based upon the belief that guy is too ignorant or selfish to become trusted. 
The next stream of modern liberalism also spins the essential question of how man satisfies his needs. It taught that the senses misrepresented reality and weren’t to be trusted to relay the necessary details. Marcuse believed, for example, that the pride of demands obtained in the way of this revolution required to overthrow the bourgeoisie:”All liberation depends on the awareness of servitude, and also the development of this consciousness is obviously hampered by the predominance of demands and satisfactions.”
This second stream tells usSoukup explains, is that”if man was to be truly happy, actually capable to become what nature intended him to be, so he would first have to lose the false understanding of what is self-interested culture”
These two tendencies, however contradictory, entirely transformed America. They”mixed with one another to make a fresh American weltanschauung,” Soukup writes. Out of this cocktail come conflicting notions like the fetishization of scientific methods, the impression that American customs blocked progress, and also the impression that a trained permanent administrative condition was superior to individual planning. “Just 1 thing now stood in the way of the development of this’New Man,’ namely, the outdated American Man” who was pretty happy and did not wish to change.
This is invariably the problem with whatever the left tries: Che Guevara’s Nuevo Hombre, the New Man, only never shows up. Human character, it ends up differently, is unchangeable.
What retained Old American Man grounded, states Soukup, was his job. “They see their soul in their vehicle, hi-fi place, split-level house, kitchen equipment,” Marcuse wrote dismissively at 1964. As Soukup clarified Old American guy,”he had a project, likely a great job. He got up in the morning, went to work, came home, had dinner with his loved ones, went to bedand got up to repeat the entire cycle afresh, five days a week. And it was made possible by American business.” Soukup then gives us the famous Calvin Coolidge line concerning the business of America being business, but additionally adds what Coolidge afterward said concerning Americans:”They are profoundly concerned with producing, buying, selling, investing and prospering on the planet.”
But American business was going to change, since the newest love for the scientific strategy turned to the pursuit of”scientific” planning for businesses, such as a new participant, the”stakeholder”–the employees, the customers, and the inhabitants who might live near a plant–whose own pursuits supposedly diverge from all their”shareholder.” The eager fans of stakeholder activism gave the thought that a superior moral force–the story that what mattered was producing profits was supplanted using the concept that stakeholders were ends in themselves. The stakeholder became outstanding to the shareholder and subject to the”planners” actions. And the superiority was not simply moral, but also concerning the main point. Soukup quotes academics Thomas Donaldson and Lee Preston as writing in 1995 on the development of the stakeholder design that”whatever their methodologies, such studies have tended to create’implications’ indicating that adherence to stakeholder principles and practices achieves conventional company performance goals as well or even better than rival approaches.”  Stakeholder analysis became, Soukup informs us”a key concept in business strategic analysis and planning.”
The problem here, writes Soukup, is an older one: those planning theorists”employed only systemic, scientific procedures to phenomena that weren’t readily shoehorned to an scientific method,” i.e., human affairs. In one of the book’s best lines, Soukup writes that”the small human animal has a mind of his own and defies behaving in ways that match the statistical design .”
Soukup takes the country’s most important companies to task for attempting to order”moral things to the American public,” while in precisely exactly the identical time coddling the dictators in Beijing.The fans of stakeholder theory–and also of the obviously false notion that the interests of the stakeholder as well as the Visitor always diverge–needed a foil, and Soukup makes a great case that they put up a strawman opponent from the ideas of Milton Friedman, especially a 1970 article he wrote for The New York Times Magazine.
From the article, the monetarist economist, who’d win a Nobel Prize six decades later, explained that the company”manager is the representative of the individuals who own the company” and that his obligation was to”run the business in accordance with their needs, which generally is to create as much money as possible.” This somehow was traduced after as a”cult of shareholder value” which, to critics, intended short-termism and ignoring the interests of”stakeholders,” things Friedman did not say and would not have said because they’re nonsensical. “The one thing that matters is the myth of Friedman, the myth of this greedy shareholder and the rapacious capitalists, the myth that analysts and investors must, everywhere and always, be opposed to another”

To demonstrate how most of this can be implemented to make business woke, Soukup offers a very useful rundown of the way leftist activists (mis)use the procedure by which people (in other words, publicly traded) businesses govern themselves. As he explainsthe activists hijack the yearly general assembly of investors, the”proxy claims” that companies file with the SEC to explain what’s going to happen at the assembly, the”shareholder proposals” that investors make to corporate direction, and the proxy advisory services that provide advice to large asset managers. “The Visitor proposition is the principal tool of this corporate activists,” writes Soukup. Activists often buy stock in a company so as to disrupt yearly meetings through their proposals, and the asset managers and the proxy procedure help them in their jobs.
Chapter 8, the thing that gives a rundown of the players on the left that abuse this whole procedure, is 39 pages, definitely the longest in the novel, nearly one-fourth of this. In it, Soukup clarifies how large asset managers like Black Rock and State Street have been taken over by CEOs (Larry Fink at the case of the very first, Ronald O’Hanley at the second) that concur with the aims of the left. Since they have to be passive investors–that is, they must invest in indexed funds and can not sell a company simply because it does not conduct business with the values the asset manager CEO embraces–those CEOs believe they must become activists by pushing the companies they own ever leftward.
The same forces are at use proxy advisory services, a business that’s essentially a duopoly: Institutional Shareholder Services (ISS) and Glass Lewis accounts for 97% of the organization. They are both pro-activism, and because they give research services and make recommendations for asset managers how they need to vote on shareholder proposalsthey shape the understanding of what shareholders’ interests must be”before telling these investors how to vote these pursuits.” Interestingly, one of the players on the left which are tipping American industry in this route, Soukup titles the Securities and Exchange Commission, whose career officials, he states,”are usually taught, educated and motivated to apply their own values to the implementation of the responsibilities.” (Full disclosure: that writer was speechwriter to SEC Commissioner Christopher Cox at 2005-2006).
The chapter players on the right isnot only, the shortest in the novel in eight pages long, and titles out players, such as the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and also the Capital Research Center, crucial organizations made up of hard-working Americans whom I know well, but that can hardly compete with Larry Fink, ISS, and the SEC.
Soukup, finally, also takes the country’s largest and more significant corporations, like Apple and Disney, to task for attempting to order”moral things to the American public” when they do not like what voters choose, while at precisely exactly the identical time coddling the dictators in Beijing because they do not wish to miss on 1.4 billion customers.
But–and this is a significant but–the”dictatorship of woke capital” is not inevitable. The book’s title is actually removed from the title the editors of this journal First Things gave to some potent speech that Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton gave in June 2019. “As liberal activists have lost control of the judiciary, they’ve turned to another hub of power,” Cotton said. In a democracy, we solve our differences through democratic discussion;”what should never happen is a billion-dollar corporation trying to dictate those moral questions .” America has awakened, finally, to what exactly the awakened do.
The way back will need to involve, regrettably, using the courts. Much of what businesses do now is illegal, or ought to be, especially the brand new emphasis on subdividing along racial lines. One person who has done work in this region is currently Chris Rufo, also the manager of the Center for Wealth and Poverty in the Discovery Institute. Rufo is amassing lawyers who’ll take up cases pro-bono, instilling fear in corporate hubs since they do this. Lawyers, also, can choose a page out of what the awakened have completed by using shareholder meetings to obtain their ideas across. Repeating these dubious practices of the remaining is distasteful, I’ll admit, however, the Marquess of Queensberry Rules have not done conservatives a great deal of great. And still, there are not any guarantees that we’ll have the ability to depoliticize the company.
Are there flaws in this publication? Some, such as its overbroad characterization of the Enlightenment, and an insufficient discussion of how Human Resources departments are used to introduce Critical Race Theory at”trainings” that degree to workplace harassment. However, despite the occasional flaw, anyone who would like to know the way the awakened are taking over our motors of growth could be well served to read Soukup’s manifesto.